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Simon Chilembo, President

©Simon Chilembo 2017

I do not condone murder of any kind. Murder is murder, regardless of how it is classified on various platforms. No murder is worse or better than another. In the free world, we are all humans with infinite variable attributes, but equal in the face of the law of the land.

In the purest manifestation of God, we are all supposed to be equal because she created us that way, in her own perfect image.

Whilst I do not condone murder, left with no alternatives against any real, particularly unjustifiable, threat upon my life, or that of my beloved ones, including my lands, I could kill without thinking twice about it. In my world, there is no “turn the other cheek” contra injustice and evil intentions, or practices. If evil plucks out one of my eyes, I’ll pluck both of theirs, and more. It is what it is.

If I am a racist, it is more a circumstantially reactive tendency on my part, rather than it being an inherent disposition of mine. I hate racism with such passion I cannot help but want to give racists a taste of their own medicine whenever I encounter them in South Africa, and anywhere else in the world I find myself at any time; two eyes for an eye. Reconciliation modern South Africa style has its limits for me.

In characteristic, yet another demonstration of arrogance of power and privilege, a section of the white South African populace sensationalizes the killings of South African white farmers. As if these killings are a calculated, lopsided affair sponsored by the South African state, or some other organized, black peoples special interest entities.

As a humanist, whenever death strikes anywhere in the world, my heart ever goes out to the deceased and their bereaved families. The killing of a white South African farmer is no different from any other killing in the country, or anywhere else in the world. Therefore, I cannot feel relatively any more, or less empathy for the white South African farmer victims and their own.

Beyond the rhetoric of potential forced land grabs by EFF’s Julius Malema and other black radicals and nationalists, there is no evidence to the effect that the seemingly epidemic kill-white-farmers wave is organizationally steered. In this segment of society too, criminals randomly execute the murders.

As long as everyone acknowledges and blends supremacy of the South African constitution in their rhetoric, no white or any other colour farm will have “their” land repossessed without compensation. For that to happen, then, the constitution will have to be suspended. In that case, so, God help the people of South Africa – absolutely all of them.

Radical South Africans must not allow themselves to be inspired by Mugabeizm in Zimbabwe. The latter county’s relative value to Western monopoly capital is miniscule compared to what South Africa has had to offer over the last four hundred years or so. Therefore, Mugabe can experiment all he can with his non-progressive governing policies, and the powers that be in the world will just wag somewhat their little fingers and do nothing real to save the suffering Zimbabwean people: symbolic sanctions here, symbolic sanctions there.

Were anybody to concretely seek to pursue the Mugabeizm path in South Africa, there’ll be no sanctions here, but a full-scale war outbreak that was averted in 1994 to this day. That’s what happens anywhere in the world where significant Western monopoly capital interests are seriously threatened.

All manner of crimes, violence, and murder are an endemic feature of South African life. South Africa has one of the highest murder rates in the world. What appears in the public eye is that the poor steal from the rich. When things go wrong, somebody dies. If it’s the poor that gets killed, nobody cares. However, when it’s the rich that die, all hell breaks loose.

Miserable, thoroughly downtrodden, and hopeless in the townships and the impoverished rural areas, including many white-owned farms, black South Africans kill one another by their hundreds every day. The rich, the whites do not give a damn. Black curse.

In South Africa, the richest people by far are the whites. It should be a no brainer, therefore, that, mainly, poor black people will target them. This is hardly a new phenomenon. Wealthy black South Africans also feel the pinch. All across the land, the economic elite, irrespective of race, go to extremes to protect themselves and their own. It is not for nothing that, at more than R.50 billion annual revenues, the private security industry in the country is the fourth largest in the world.

There are more factors than mere economic inequalities to consider in this rather emotive subject. As demonstrated during the last so-called Black Monday, largely insolent white farmers’ protest, a significant part of the white populace of South Africa is still painfully ignorant of the historical improprieties of this country. These people have not really fathomed the extent to which black South Africans have had to bend backwards to accommodate them in the name of freedom and democracy. No wonder Nelson Mandela’s critics go around postulating that he actually sold the new South Africa to the whites. Load of crap.

There is a heroically suppressed under-current of extreme anger and bitterness flowing in the blood vessels of many a black South African. This horrendous feeling is not necessarily intrinsically anti-white South African farmers especially, but has been historically induced by them, the latter. Reproducing itself from generation to generation, it is as old as the oldest white South African farming family in the country.

The cruel, demeaning brutality with which many white South African farmers have systematically treated their black workers from the time they first tilled South African soil in 1652 is hair raising, to say the least.

Being the first routinized labour employers in the country, I contend hereby that, from a historical perspective, the white farmers set the tone of the social and economic inequalities we live with in South Africa today. All other subsequent South African black labour exploiters learnt it all from the original white farmers and their descendents to this day. Colonialism and apartheid rested squarely on the foundations laid by the white farmers since day one.

White South African farmers have, for centuries, broken the spirits and humanity of black South Africans in untold ways. This has culminated in the now overt, post-1994, reactions of the people in the unfairly sensationalized, fallaciously believed, by the aggrieved whites, to be centrally planned somewhere. The dead deserve more honour than this outrageous enduring racism-driven stand taken by old-fashioned, parochial, frightened, and privilege-spoilt modern day white South Africans.

On my mother’s side, I am a direct descendent of two lines of families who were born and raised on white-owned farms, all the way from the Northern Cape to central Free State provinces. The youngest of my mother’s paternal uncles, grandfather Heirulf Serame Mabote, was still labouring on a massive white-owned farm in Brandfort as late as 1998.

Well into his 70s, Rre-Mogolo/ Grandfather Serame died in 2006. He was already a moving corpse of a man then, indifferent to the elements and sensations of hunger, chronic alcoholism being the only thing that made sense to him. Many, many other black South African families can surely identify with this scene here.

Historically, and equally true in contemporary times, I reckon the worst part of being a black worker-slave on a South Africa white-owned farm was being a girl, or a woman. Many white farmers raped the women at will, treating them as regular sex slaves delivered to them by some mad, racist God. Many mixed-race, bastard children were sired this way. In time, reproducing amongst themselves and other “pure” racial groups in the land, a new ethnic group, Coloureds, emerged and relatively thrived, especially during the apartheid years. Of course, black men have been sexually abused too. But, under normal circumstances, men do not bear children.

The sad aspect of this outcome of our fore-grandmothers’ sexual abuse by evil-intentioned white farmers is that, today, there is a lost generation of millions of black South Africans who are not too sure of their real family origins. They suffer from identity crisis issues. In this sate of affairs, many live in denial of white or black genetic material in their familial bloodlines. Talking about this subject is a living taboo in many such families to this day. The real paupers of South Africa are found in this group. Should there ever be an explosive revolutionary, planned or spontaneous, rise against insensitive, impunitous white privilege in the country, it will start here. Mark my word.

Thus, there is more to South African black people’s irate behaviour and resentment towards their fellow white countrymen, starting with the latter’s original symbols of power: from the farms, to monuments, and the education system. The education system still furthers the inequalities prevailing in South Africa.

The least the influential white farming community can do is to be humble and, for example, channel their energies towards improving the lot of their fellow black countrymen’s standard of living. Investing in the modernization of the South African education system and the children and youth of the country would do better honour in the memory of criminally murdered South Africans of all races and social standings. This is what the FeesMustFall movement is all about, essentially.

In political and corporate governance, educated people, black South Africans in the context of this article, resolve their issues over conference tables, golf courses, and rugby clubs, to name but three avenues. I have yet to hear that a black South African university graduate has been involved in any criminal, so-called farm killings so far.

Simon Chilembo
South Africa
Tel.: +27 626 219 288
November 08, 2017


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